Chapter 126
Gold Rush Era (2)
Shanghai, French Concession.
The Provisional Government of the Republic of Korea.
The Provisional Government was gripped by a sense of crisis like never before.
Its grand plan to build underground networks across the Korean Peninsula had collapsed within a few years, as the cunning Japanese authorities wielded both the “carrot” of cultural rule and the “stick” of relentless suppression.
With the communication network and transport system dismantled, and efforts to promote commerce and establish universities having failed, the Provisional Government was now forced to confront a fundamental question:
What must be done to achieve independence?
Armed independence groups in Manchuria and the Maritime Province cooperated with the Provisional Government—but firmly rejected any command or control. At least, thanks to the flow of money and supplies, they could be persuaded with cash bundles.
Meanwhile, the communists were receiving massive funding from Vladimir Lenin in Moscow, working diligently to turn the Provisional Government into their own domain.
The Manchurian and Maritime factions, for their part, continued to view Syngman Rhee with suspicion—believing that, obsessed with power, he had allied with Kim Yujin to strengthen only the American faction.
Amid all this, the actions of Kim Yujin—revered as a national hero—were enough to unsettle some and provide others with an excuse.
“Isn’t he just another advocate of autonomy? If not, then tell him to come to Shanghai right now and take command of the independence forces!”
“You lunatic! Hey! I practically raised Kim Yujin myself! Go on—try calling me an autonomy advocate too!”
“If General Kim comes to Shanghai… who’s going to bring in the money…?”
“The Provisional Government’s presence is fading entirely because of him! If even he doesn’t follow its authority, why would anyone else join? If Kim Yujin comes, even the Manchurian independence forces will obey without complaint!”
As the argument escalated, a young man stood up and began delivering a passionate speech.
“Do you even know where Kim Yujin is right now? The Philippines! The Philippines!”
“So what?”
“The Japanese Empire we hate so much, and the United States that Kim Yujin serves—they’re both imperialist nations! Two sides of the same coin! He’s probably over there massacring Filipino independence activists just like us!”
“You bastard! Are you done talking?!”
Park Yong-man, who had been fiercely defending Kim Yujin, cursed and lunged forward, only to be restrained by others.
The young man didn’t even blink.
“We must recognize the true nature of these imperialist states. Diplomacy with them is meaningless! There is only one nation on Earth that supports oppressed peoples—the Soviet Union!”
“Waaaaah!!”
“Comrade Park Heon-young is right!”
As the communists in the room cheered, Park Heon-young’s speech gained even more momentum.
“Our Korean Communist Party has observed the Provisional Government’s struggle as part of the broader socialist revolution—but we can no longer hide our disappointment! Why are you all so shaken by the actions of a single individual? Kim Yujin is an American! A capitalist, an imperialist—an enemy of the revolution!”
“That’s right! How can someone who isn’t even Korean represent the Korean people?!”
“We must firmly reject Kim Yujin and strengthen our revolutionary spirit if the Provisional Government is to survive!”
“You crazy red bastards! The Lenin and Trotsky you kiss up to so much—are they Korean?! Be honest! If it meant advancing your revolution, you’d gladly side with the Soviets or even the Japanese!”
As the situation in the Provisional Government spiraled further out of control, Syngman Rhee was meeting secretly with the envoy he had sent to the Philippines.
“So, Soang—how was your trip to the Philippines?”
“When I arrived, General Kim Yujin had fallen ill with malaria and was bedridden.”
“His health? Was he alright?”
“Yes. Fortunately, he recovered and got back on his feet. I heard that malaria in Luzon can easily take the lives of even strong Westerners, but as expected of a national hero—even the spirit of disease could not claim him.”
Rhee let out a relieved breath.
If that man dies, we’re finished. Of course. Someone like him? Even the Grim Reaper would get a bullet to the face.
If Kim Yujin were to die, it wouldn’t just be over for Rhee—it would be the end of the Provisional Government as well.
Jo So-ang recounted everything that had happened during his meeting with Kim Yujin, and as Rhee listened, a shadow gradually fell across his face.
“…Sigh. If I were him, I’d be irritated too. He’s been feeding us three meals a day, and now we’re complaining to his face again…”
“Are you saying we’ve disappointed him?”
“No, not exactly. Kim Yujin—ahem, General Kim—already knows that achieving independence solely through the Provisional Government will be a long and difficult road. So why does he continue to support us with his own wealth? Because he believes in us.”
A man like Kim Yujin would never get angry without reason. He would either clearly state his demands—or present alternatives.
Was this strange trust perhaps a form of respect between rivals?
“In my view… first, he may simply be exhausted, which made him a bit sharp. Or perhaps it’s a way of telling us to do better.”
If he had truly been dissatisfied, Jo So-ang wouldn’t have returned so calmly. Kim would have made it unmistakably clear who held the leash—and tugged on it just enough to remind them.
And that would have thrown the Provisional Government into complete chaos.
“That’s a relief, then. General Kim also asked me to deliver a letter.”
Jo So-ang pulled out a bundle of letters from his coat and handed them over. Rhee broke the seal and began reading quickly.
“He also said that if it seemed like anyone else might see them, we should burn them.”
“Understood. Anything else? Any special matters?”
“He said it would be better to write it in the letter rather than explain it directly.”
“Come to think of it—did you deliver my letter to him?”
“…On the way, the Japanese were tailing me, so I had no choice but to…”
“You did well. As long as you weren’t caught, that’s what matters.”
For several years during Kim Yujin’s time in Japan, communication between him and the Provisional Government had been cut off.
Closing that subtle information gap had been the top priority—but it couldn’t be helped.
Yet as Rhee read through the letter, his worries melted away like snow.
As expected of Kim Yujin.
He nodded as he read.
Much of the letter was filled with predictions about the current power dynamics within the Provisional Government—and detailed strategies for dealing with them. Since Kim lacked precise information, he had simply written down everything comprehensively.
The man who outmaneuvered even me—there’s no way his mind wouldn’t work like this.
“Please call in the Chief of Police.”
“Understood.”
A moment later, Chief of Police Kim Gu entered the room.
“You called for me?”
“You’ve come at the right time, Baekbeom. I summoned you because the secret envoy I sent to General Kim Yujin has returned.”
He selected one of the letters and showed it to Kim Gu.
“Hmm.”
“As it is written, General Kim made an unavoidable choice solely to prevent the massacre of Koreans. The Japanese leadership had decided to use Koreans as scapegoats, and as a means to stop this, he merely appeased them temporarily. How can that be called collusion with the enemy?”
“With General Kim’s firm testimony, there should be no more unnecessary arguments. That is truly a relief.”
“There’s more. General Kim never abandoned Korea. Because we failed to establish a university on Joseon soil, he devised an alternative plan for studying abroad in America. And because we failed to protect Koreans in the Japanese islands, he stepped in himself.”
The letter contained a story not much different from what Syngman Rhee had been saying within the Provisional Government.
Kim Gu nodded at Rhee’s continued explanation and adjusted his glasses.
“So, why have you shown this only to me?”
“Baekbeom. Should those who slander General Kim—who is more devoted than anyone to Korea’s independence—truly be called independence activists?”
The Chief of Police—whose duty involved dealing with the largest number of Japanese informants—immediately understood Rhee’s intent.
“Even a dog won’t bite the one who feeds it. But there are those who refuse to share their own bowl, yet bark madly at the slightest sound of someone else approaching.”
“That’s exactly what I mean. At this rate, those damn Reds will shoot us all soon enough. They’re fraternizing with Chinese communists, talking about international solidarity, and secretly building up their forces!”
They could not allow the Provisional Government to be handed over like this.
The Korean Communist Party was already openly showing signs of wanting a confrontation, and the way they had begun relentlessly attacking Kim Yujin made it clear—they were trying to fabricate a justification.
‘Kim Yujin is a collaborator who sided with the Japanese. Therefore, the core figures of the Provisional Government who relied on him are also collaborators. So the “pure” ones—meaning themselves—will take over the entire Provisional Government. Obvious enough.’
“If those Red bastards seize the Provisional Government, that’s the communist revolution they’ve been dreaming of. By their very nature, they’re the kind who will stab their comrades in the back endlessly until the communist regime they adore is established. Now that we finally have justification to drive them out, we must strike first.”
“They’re not even fighting the Japanese, yet they slander someone who has contributed more than anyone to the Korean people, and instead of contributing to the Provisional Government, they’re obsessed with absorbing it… Very well. I’ll begin preparations.”
“That bastard Park Heon-young must be eliminated this time, no matter what. We should call Dosan here immediately as well. There’s no one more suitable.”
One experience of underestimating an opponent and losing in life was enough.
Now, no matter who he fought, Syngman Rhee was determined never to be pushed aside again.
No one would be able to drive him out of this position.
The Liberation Army under the Provisional Government was controlled by Park Yong-man, so there was no risk of defection, and in the police bureau, there was Kim Gu, who detested communists. For now, things were safe.
However, there was no way of knowing just how many troops the communists had secretly amassed under their so-called “People’s Army,” and that uncertainty was the core of all their concerns.
Putting everything else aside, if the day ever came when the Liberation Army and the People’s Army pointed their guns at each other in Shanghai, wouldn’t that be a straight path to destruction?
“We should have seized the funds Lenin supposedly gave them back then. This whole mess happened because they swallowed that money whole, didn’t it?”
“If they had taken that money, the Reds would’ve occupied even more high-ranking positions in the Provisional Government. No doubt they would’ve demanded control of the military. By the way… General Kim was asking whether we had any interest in a firearms factory.”
“…What?”
Their concerns were only deepening.
***
— No need to come.
I set fire to the paper with my cigarette.
If things had gone badly, I was thinking I might have to go to Shanghai myself and stir things up again, but it seems that won’t be necessary.
Right. This is the least he should be able to handle. I sent him to become the president of the Provisional Government instead of throwing him into the Pacific for a reason. It would be troublesome if the one providing the funds had to move personally.
Anyway, until Japan goes completely berserk, the Provisional Government’s outward image is, at best, an anti-Japanese minority group, and at worst, a terrorist organization. What can you do when all the powers that dominate the world are colonial empires? It’s absurd.
So even if a so-called terrorist organization produces and sells some illegal weapons, who’s going to protest? If they coordinate properly with the warlords, it’s a win-win.
Maybe because of an irregular like me who didn’t exist in the original history, it feels like global weapons technology is advancing slightly faster. It would be ridiculous if selling weapons to the Japanese ended up with them winning the Second Sino-Japanese War.
Long ago, Master Kassadin, the Guardian of the Void, said that balance must be maintained.
In that sense, wouldn’t it warm the heart if, instead of warlords swinging swords across the vast Chinese continent, they ran around wielding grease guns? The hearts of Japanese officers invading China would probably be burning—literally.
Yes. Balance must be maintained.
Except for me.